Since the Hamas pogrom two years ago today it has become abundantly clear, at least to those broadly on the pro-Israel side of the argument, that anti-Semitism presents a formidable challenge. Nevertheless, if anything, the discussion of its driving forces has become even more confused. Jews are being targeted and sometimes slaughtered but there is little convincing explanation of why this situation has arisen.
The common explanations for the resurgence of anti-Semitism may have a superficial appeal but on closer inspection they unravel. It is necessary to dig deeper than normal to discern the key drivers of contemporary anti-Semitism.
In particular it is necessary to dispose of the shallower explanations for the surge in anti-Semitism to understand the central role played by identity politics. This is often referred to as ‘left wing anti-Semitism’ but, as will be shown, that itself is a misnomer.
One of the most common descriptions of anti-Semitism is as ‘the oldest hatred’. According to this claim it often exists as an underlying force but sometimes it comes to the surface. In this view, to use a common metaphor, it is a ‘light sleeper’ which can be awakened by various factors. Another way of expressing a similar idea is that it is a mutating virus that changes form over time.
Such claims are assertions more than explanation. They state that anti-Semitism comes and goes but they do not really explain why. Anti-Semitism from this perspective is simply an unfortunate part of the human condition.
In addition, as recently argued on this site, anti-Semitism is much more than a form of hatred. It is better seen as a perception of modernity which sees Jews as the embodiment of its perceived evils. In the nineteenth century, when modern anti-Semitism was born as a form of racial thinking, it perceived Jews as personifying speculative capitalism. Sometimes it directly identified Jews with modernity itself.
More recently Israel, as representing Jews collectively, has come to be seen as embodying the perceived evils of 21st century modernity. These include western values and western civilisation itself.
Another perhaps even more confused explanation for the rise of anti-Semitism is to blame it on Islam. This is at best a gross oversimplification and at worst can descend into a form of bigotry.
The fact that Islamic texts, such as the Koran and the hadith, contain anti-Jewish passages (as well as some pro-Jewish ones) explains little. It is a gross over-simplification to blame contemporary anti-Semitism with reference to ancient texts. For one thing it does not explain why anti-Semitism was, for example, a marginal force in Britain for much of the late 20th century but it has come to the fore more recently.
It also fails to take into account that the Muslim population is incredibly diverse. It comes from a wide range of countries, speaks multiple languages and is represented in different social classes.
That does not mean there is no anti-Semitism among the Muslim population. For instance, a survey by Rakib Ehsan suggested that in Britain the level of anti-Semitism is, on average, higher among Muslims than among the general population. Nevertheless, in his survey at least, it was still a minority view among Muslims.
One way round this problem is to point to what is referred to as Muslim extremism. The idea here is that mainstream Muslims are moderate but those who uphold an extreme form of the religion are problematic.
What this misses, as I have previously argued, is that Islamism is best seen as a form of religionised politics rather than extreme religion. Islamism as a political ideology emerged not in seventh century Arabia, nor in the Middle Ages, but in the early 20th century. Among its core beliefs are the belief that Jews are a Satanic force and the need to create an international Islamic order.
Many of its tenets were imported from western racial thinking. For example, the Hamas covenant of 1988 incorporates classic European anti-Semitic tropes including blaming Jews for the French revolution, the Russian revolution and manipulating the global financial system. None of these, it should be clear, are in classic Islamic texts.
It is also misleading to focus too narrowly on Jihadis. These are those Islamists who are willing to use violence to further their political beliefs. But there is a much greater number of Islamists, sometimes referred to as institutional or participationist Islamists, who endorse the ideology’s belief but do not engage in violence themselves.
This brings us to the key driving force behind contemporary anti-Semitism: identity politics. This is often referred to as left-wing anti-Semitism but it differs from traditional leftist beliefs in important ways (which is not to say old-fashioned leftism was free of anti-Semitism).
Identity politics focused on what it seems as immutable identity groups in contrast with traditional leftism which focused on class as a unifying factor. Such groups can be defined by skin colour, religion, sexuality, gender and other factors.
From the perspective of identity politics there is a hierarchy of oppression with white people at the top and people of colour at the bottom. Muslims, in this typology, are generally viewed as oppressed. Jews, in contrast, are typically viewed as part of a hyper-white elite.
From this perspective Jews, along with whites in general, are the beneficiaries of immense privilege in society. In line with this view Israel, the Jewish state, is viewed as an expression of Jewish supremacy over the world.
It is this view, which came to the fore at turn of the millennium, which is the main driving force for contemporary anti-Semitism. Those who identify as on the left of politics – although they are arguably not left in the conventional sense – see Jews and the Jewish state as expressions of Jewish supremacy. In this view they represent the evils of western civilisation which imposes its will on the world’s oppressed people’s.
However, although identity politics is the main driving force behind contemporary anti-Semitism, at least in the West, it cannot be completely separated from Islam and Islamism. On the contrary, the existence of anti-Semitism within Muslim communities gives what is sometimes called a permission structure for western anti-Semitism. That means supporters of identity politics can feel more open about expressing anti-Semitic ideas because they see themselves as speaking on behalf of the oppressed.
These then are the main driving forces behind the surge in anti-Semitism in the West starting at the turn of the millennium. The rise of identity politics – with Jews viewed as a hyper-white elite – with additional legitimation provided by anti-Semitism from within the Muslim community.
PHOTO: "Heaton Park Hebrew Congregation (geograph 4299474)" by David Dixon is licensed under CC BY-SA 2.0.